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History of Maoist Abductions in India


Maoists may be patting themselves on their back for forcing the Chhattisgarh and Odisha governments to give into their demands in exchange for those abducted by them, but kidnap as a tool of revolutionary warfare could prove to be counter-productive to them.

The prolonged captivity of hostages and the perceived helplessness of the government, which fears for the safety of the hostages, have an adverse impact on the psyche of society.

Typical is the societal response to the hostage crisis recently witnessed in Chhattisgarh and Odisha.

Barring a vociferous intelligentsia, civil rights activists and select representatives of political and bureaucratic circles of the States concerned, the other sections of society have not reacted to the evolving crisis.

‘Silent sanction'

The Andhra Pradesh experience, however, shows this silence often metamorphoses into a ‘silent sanction' being accorded to the State for all the extra-judicial acts it commits while trying to toughen its stand against the hostage-takers subsequently.

It is this ‘silent sanction' that emboldens the security forces to resort to actions beyond what they are expected to do. And they get away with it too.

The case of Andhra Pradesh would perhaps be the best example of how kidnap as a strategy is a failed experiment for Naxalites. The State witnessed many abductions in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

The demands made after such rampant abductions could broadly be categorised into: release of arrested or convicted cadres; production of missing cadres (believed to have been killed or arrested by police); permission for public meetings and construction of demolished ‘stupams' (monuments).

First kidnap in A.P.

The first kidnap in Andhra Pradesh was reported on September 6, 1984, when Naxals took away a senior revenue official at Addateegala of East Godavari district and demanded the release of Perumalla Devudu, a central organiser.

A panicked government conceded the demand and the official was set free the next day. Then came the historic kidnap of seven IAS officers in Gurtedu of the same district on December 27, 1987.

Immense pressure

The abduction of senior bureaucrats led to immense pressure on the government, which was forced to concede the demand of releasing of jailed Naxalites, including Wadkapur Chandramouli, then a division committee secretary, who later rose to be a member of polit bureau. (He was later killed in 2006).

With civil liberties leader K.G. Kannabiran holding negotiations, the hostages were released only after the jailed Naxal leaders were handed over to them.

So intense was the pressure on the government that it had not allowed the NSG commandos despatched by the Centre to take any action to free the hostages.

In 1989

Though there was a lull for the next two years, abductions began in 1989 again, due to an unstable political scenario as the NTR government was to face elections.

In June 1989, a mandal parishad president Malhar Rao was abducted and shot dead when the government failed to produce two missing Naxalites — Gopagani Ilaiah and Burra Ramulu.

Then came the liberal period during the chief ministership of M. Channa Reddy and kidnaps continued. The most notable was that of legislator P. Sudhir Kumar after a daring raid on his house in the centre of Hyderabad.

A stunned government had no other go but to release senior most leader Nemaluri Bhaskara Rao and two others in exchange for Sudhir Kumar.

In 1993, tribal legislator P. Balarau and IAS officer Srinivasulu were abducted in the Visakhapatnam agency area and a Naxal leader Kranti Ranadeo was released in exchange. The Naxal leadership indeed revelled in the successes and even justified the ‘kidnap' tactic and termed it a form of struggle.

As kidnaps continued, society had more or less viewed it as a problem concerning the ruling party, the police and Naxalites, but never intervened. Vexed with the soft attitude of the governments, the police did act on their own in August 1989.

When two policemen were abducted in Karimnagar, the police responded by organising the counter-kidnap of civil rights activist Balagopal by a supposedly civil vigilante group — ‘Praja Bandhu.' Naxalites released the constables and Balagopal too was let off.

Dangerous fallout

The most dangerous fallout of the overuse of this tactic was to be felt after the Congress government proscribed the People's War Group on May 20, 1992.

The police forces let loose a reign of terror and there was not even a murmur of protest from people even when those arrested were shot dead in full public view in what came to be known as ‘encounters.'

Peculiar was the societal response to the police behaviour. While there was no protest against any ‘encounter killings' of people believed to be Naxalites, people turned up in thousands and even attacked police stations whenever there were custodial deaths in which innocent people were tortured to death.

Perhaps, by observing this dichotomous trend, Maoists had then announced that they indeed erred in treating kidnap as a tactic and even considering it as a form of struggle. Will history repeat itself now in Central India? It remains to be seen.

Barbarism of India : 29,000 AK-47's procured for Anti-Maoist Operations


AK-47s continue to be the preferred assault weapon for the country's paramilitary forces deployed to neutralise terrorists and Maoists at the frontiers and in the hinterland.

Over 29,000 pieces of this Russian-origin rifle were imported by forces like CRPF, BSF and NSG over the last three years, leaving behind, by a large margin, other sophisticated assault weapons procured from the US and Israel.

The inventory of the assault weapons procured for security forces, including ITBP, CISF and Assam Rifles, during 2010-2013 show that while 29,260 pieces of the 'AK' series were procured, only 17,609 units of other weapons in this category like X-95 and SIG were imported.

While the Central Reserve Police Force, deployed extensively in the country for anti-Naxal operations procured 18,000 AK-47s, the Central Industrial Security Force guarding Indian airports got 7,921 pieces and the Sashastra Seema Bal securing borders along Nepal and Bhutan got 2,719 units.

The Sino-India border guarding force Indo-Tibetan Border Police procured 620 pieces of these 'Avtomat Kalashnikova' (AK) rifles.

"The AK series rifles are still the best in terms of use and adaptability for Indian security forces personnel. Be it any domain of combat operations like anti-Maoist or counter-terror operations, this weapon has delivered good results," a senior security official said.

With the advent of new technology and new dynamics of combat, the country's security establishment has also imported other modern variants of assault rifles.

So while the CRPF got 6,382 pieces of X-95 for its troops in Maoist operations, the elite National Security Guard (NSG) got 675 pieces of the Swiss-make SIG assault rifles.

X-95 
"There have not been many assault weapons that suit the Indian conditions and the forces. Also, the role of the internal security forces is essentially to combat and not assault. So, a specialist counter-terror force like NSG also uses sub-machine guns like MP5 and Glock pistols for fighting from close quarters," a NSG official explained. 

POTA - A major Contributer in illegitimate Abductions in India

It came as a shock to the citizens of the country that in spite of the tall claims of not having implemented the draconian POTA in Bihar , the government, administration and police in the state have been using POTA to imprison and victimize political activists and agrarian poor. This left ample scope for the rich and the powerful to escape while allowing the police and administration to crackdown upon the asserting poor and those organising them.
Since the NDA government introduced POTA through an unprecedented joint session of the parliament, several political parties have expressed their opinion against POTA. Though no action has been taken as yet, the UPA government after assuming power has announced the withdrawal of POTA. However this also been announced prospectively and not with retrospective effect as has been the demand of dozens of civil liberty organisation and human rights groups who have pointed out violations in case after case. The fate of thousands of innocents across the country, who have been booked under POTA, continues to hang in uncertainty, particularly in the light of the fate of the TADA prisoners of Bihar, who found no justice even after the law that they had been booked under had long lapsed, since the cases against them were never withdrawn.

POTA - A Draconian Act

What has been proposed is an embarrassing gimmick to counter the mounting criticism of gross abuse of POTA by empowering powerless committees to prescribe ineffective remedies.
THE PREVENTION of Terrorism Act (POTA) has been amended by Ordinance. A sugar coating is to be placed around POTA's working. `Review committees' will have statutory powers to issue binding directives on complaints of wrongful entrapment under POTA. Like its predecessor, the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA, 1985-94), was, POTA remains India's most indiscriminate legislation. When the constitutionality of TADA was challenged in Kartar Singh's case (1994), an intensely concerned Supreme Court introduced the idea of a "higher level of scrutiny" by committees to prevent its abuse. The abuse of TADA was legion — to a point that, in a later case, the Supreme Court intervened to express shock at the abuse and disappointment over the review process. Several NGOs documented the abuse.
In 1995, the BJP allied with the Left to defeat the Congress Government's proposals to extend TADA while allowing for the possibility of introducing some better version of it. The better version turned out to be worse. In 2001, while the Law Commission suggested a strengthened POTA, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) suggested its abolition. POTA was promulgated as an Ordinance in October 2001 and pushed through the brute majorities of a joint session of Parliament to overcome opposition in the Rajya Sabha. At the time, the Union Government, through Arun Jaitley, L.K. Advani and others, said that by reposing the POTA power in responsible higher-ups in the police the possibility of abuse would be obviated.
Never was a prediction so totally wrong. Never, too, did civil liberties have to pay so heavy a price for this error. In Tamil Nadu, the MDMK leader, Vaiko's arrest led to a storm of protest. In January 2003, the Attorney General, Soli Sorabjee, gave an opinion that the Union Minister of State, M. Kannappan's speeches were not violative of POTA.
The incidence of abuse of the law caused a walkout in the Rajya Sabha in February 2001 and heated debates in both Houses where demands were made for its repeal. In January 2002, the then partner of the BJP, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati, arrested a political opponent, Raja Bhaiya, to create protests in BJP circles. In February 2002, an all India team spoke of wide abuses — especially in Jharkhand. Amazingly a boy of 12 had been arrested; as, indeed, a man of 81. The NHRC immediately demanded a report from the Jharkhand Government on February 23, 2002.
Ten other cases of children held under POTA were reported. In April 2003, POTA was slapped by the Andhra Pradesh Government on the Congress legislator, Konda Surekha, for alleged links with the People's War. In that very month it was suggested by a public interest group that POTA was being indiscriminately used in Gujarat. In September, a report suggested that some 240 POTA arrestees were Muslims. In the Bonkya case (1995), the Supreme Court had warned that just because a person belonged to the minority community, it could not be assumed that he was a terrorist. Nor was there any licence to seek regime revenge on political opponents. The history of TADA was being repeated — not as a farce but as a civil liberties tragedy.
Every promise the BJP had made when POTA was being enacted was being broken — no less by the very Governments it supported or which supported it. By March 5, 2003, the BJP was looking for a way out — to retain the legal terrorism of POTA but legitimate its abusive existence. How was this to be done? The Supreme Court's formula of review committees in Kartar Singh's case (1994) was brought into play. In April 2003, a notification was issued to empower the national review committee to review individual cases under POTA. As time wore on, this legitimating device did not work. By September 17, the BJP was looking for a more convincing even if more spurious solution, which was aired in early October and approved by the Union Cabinet for promulgation as an Ordinance on October 27, 2003. Why an Ordinance? Obviously to avoid discussion in Parliament where demands for POTA's wholesale repeal had already been made earlier in the year.
But let us look at the solution itself? What is the concept of a review committee? In their earlier incarnation, the review committees proposed by the Supreme Court were purely executive mechanisms whose recommendations were often ignored. In the Shaheen Welfare Association case (1996), the very sorry state of affairs was noted by the Supreme Court to call for a more "independent and objective scrutiny by a Committee headed by a retired judge". The TADA committees had not done their job well. At least 14,446 cases were then pending. Many detenus were ordered to be released on bail by the Supreme Court.
Despite all this, the BJP-led Government's POTA of 2002 did not contain any review safeguards for abuse cases. During enactment, POTA was defended as being safe from abuse because senior functionaries were entrusted with crucial powers. But were the officers safe from their Government? POTA 2002 did empower "the Central and each State Government (to)... constitute one or more Review Committees for the purposes of the Act" (Section 60) — whose Chairperson would be a sitting or retired High Court judge appointed with the concurrence of the Chief Justice concerned.
But the purpose of these Section 60 committees was not to look at individual use and abuse cases. In fact, POTA 2002 earmarked only two specific areas for their remit. These two specific areas were in respect of terrorist organisations (Section 19) and telephone tapping (Section 46) where their decisions would be implemented. The Central Committee headed by Justice Arun Saharya was appointed for individual cases only in April 2002. But its functions were purely advisory. It had little staff or, as Mr. Justice Saharya put it, "basic resources". Now the new Ordinance gives power to the POTA Central and State Committees to review cases on the application of an "aggrieved person" and issue binding directions to the State Government and the police. There is no inherent power to review in the absence of hapless complaints. There are no powers of investigation. Mr. Justice Saharya pointed out that the States (especially Jharkhand and Jammu and Kashmir) drag their feet. There is no time frame. Justice delayed would be justice crucified by short circuit. In the race against time, none of these recommendations would have any value if the case were before a Court. In R.M. Tewari's case (1996) dealing with TADA review committees, the Supreme Court made it clear that it was for the court, assisted independently by public prosecutors, and not the police to decide on the withdrawal of charges — a view consistent with the Veerappan decision and settled law. Binding directions without investigation powers and time frames are meaningless. But, they could be used to bully State Governments without practical effect.
The Ordinance gives already toothless committees toothless investigative powers against gross abuse by uncooperative Governments, which will have no bearing on pending cases. What will the police do in cases the committees have reviewed? Can they refuse to follow the Court's directions? Or take the cue to prosecute softly? State Governments may not cooperate — even less so with the Union's committee even if its view will prevail. With no power to investigate and no time frame such committees are a chimera — good from far, but far from good. These committees will also usurp and affect the NHRC's powers; State Governments will be able to say that their own review committee will investigate, if need be.
What has been proposed is an embarrassing gimmick to counter the mounting criticism of gross abuse of POTA by empowering powerless committees to prescribe ineffective remedies against powerful evasive Governments without examining the problems of POTA itself. The truth is that POTA has failed to measure up to the standards of a democracy bound by the rule of law. POTA will remain a gift to unscrupulous Union or State Governments. There was no need to promulgate an Ordinance. Face-saving Ordinances do not secure civil liberties. What is needed is a parliamentary debate on the future of POTA itself with a view to scrapping it.

POTA act of India and its Misuse

When the Gujarat government withdrew Poto from the Godhra case, the Opposition parties understandably seized it as an official admission that the new terrorist law, like the earlier one, is being misused to target the minorities. All the more so because this decision followed an expose in The Indian Express on the selective application of Poto: while the Godhra suspects were booked under Poto, the state had no compunction about not applying that law to any of the accused involved in the so-called Hindu backlash. The state, of course, never actually admitted the selective use of Poto. Instead, it sought to make the withdrawal of terrorism allegations from the Godhra case appear as innocuous as possible. It claimed that the Godhra police backtracked purely on the advocate general’s advice that Poto provisions could not be invoked without first appointing the various regulatory authorities envisaged by that law.
As a corollary, the Narendra Modi government clarified that once those authorities are in place, the police may reinvoke Poto (now Pota) in the Godhra case. To be sure, this is not an unlikely scenario because the Godhra tragedy, in which over 50 Hindus were roasted alive in a train, does bear the appearance of a terrorist attack. But so do some of the retaliatory attacks on Muslims around Gujarat. Yet, given the communal bias it displayed over the last one month, can you even begin to imagine that the Modi government will make no distinction between the Hindu miscreants and their Muslim counterparts? And this is not only because of the Hindutva ideology of the BJP or the Sangh parivar. Let us not forget that the Congress governments of the past had also failed to be even-handed in applying Pota’s predecessor TADA in cases involving Hindu-Muslim conflicts.
It can be argued that the Congress party has its own unsavoury record of communal misdeeds. But this is not an analysis of the secular credentials of our political parties. The attempt here is to show that if TADA or Pota has a record of being used in a discriminatory manner, it is not necessarily because the law is consciously misused or abused. There is an inherent bias in the way terrorism is defined or, rather, interpreted. And that is what makes Muslims more vulnerable than Hindus to the rigours of the terrorist law irrespective of the party in power.
Recall December 6, 1992, and its aftermath. If, in Modi’s memorable words, Gujarat was a reaction to Godhra, the Bombay blasts were a reaction to the Babri Masjid demolition. But the parallel ends there. In fact, from the viewpoint of the terrorist law, the violence in Godhra and Gujarat are a reversal of the events of 1992-93. The BJP government regards the ‘action’ in Godhra as an instance of terrorism while the ‘reaction’ around Gujarat has been passed off as routine cases of rioting, looting and murder. In contrast, the Congress rulers passed off the ‘action’ in Ayodhya as a case of vandalism and other such offences under the ordinary law while the ‘reaction’ in Bombay was regarded as an instance of terrorism. It may be noted that for invoking the terrorist law, it did not matter whether the event concerned was an ‘action’ or a ‘reaction’. It also did not matter whether the miscreants used explosives or inflammable substances. After all, much like the way the mob in Godhra poured fuel and lit fire to the bogies carrying kar sevaks from Ayodhya, the miscreants in Ahmedabad and other places of Gujarat used all sorts of lethal weapons and hazardous materials to kill over 700 Muslims. Let’s face it. All that seemed to decide whether an offence constituted terrorism was the religion of the accused persons. As a result, in the events of 2002 as well as 1992-93, those booked under the terrorist law were predominantly Muslims while those booked under the ordinary law were predominantly Hindus.

The bias in the interpretation of the law becomes all the more evident from the long-winded definition of the expression ‘terrorist act’. Pota has been touted an improvement on TADA and one of the claimed reforms is that the definition of ‘terrorist act’ has been made sharper and therefore less prone to abuse. So, even if we go by the narrower definition of Pota, the Babri Masjid demolition, the underlying cause of the recent disturbances, should have been dealt with as a terrorist act. The presence of top BJP leaders in Ayodhya on the fateful day does not detract from the terrorist nature of the demolition. It fits the definition of Pota as there is ample scope to contend that the mosque was demolished with intent ‘‘to strike terror in the people or any section of the people’’. That the kar sevaks did not use bombs or such devastating methods does not matter because Pota says the terrorist act against a person or property could have been committed ‘‘by any other means whatsoever’’. Yet, the failure to book the kar sevaks and their instigators under TADA despite its wider definition never became an issue. The problem then is not just the misuse of the law but its selective use.

Must Read - Babbar Khalsa - "Tax for Khalistan"


During the Sikh struggle for independance, the courageous Jujharoo Singh's carried out numerous action which resulted in sleepless nights for the Delhi rulers. One such action worth mentioning took place as Shaheed Bhai Charat Singh Babbar re-enacted the history of Bhai Bota Singh and Bhai Garja Singh.


It was in the year 1990/1991, fake encounters by the Punjab Police had become routine. Bhai Charat Singh had decided to tackle the security forces head on and assembled a squad of Babbar Khalsa Jujharoo's. Around 4pm the group set up a roadblock on en-route from GT Road (Amritsar) to Batala Road and challenged the CRPF and Punjab Police to a real encounter.



2-3 hours had elapsed yet not a single Punjab Police or BSF/CRPF vehicle had passed by. Bhai Charat Singh spoke out to the Singhs and said "Now we are going to collect tax for Khalistan" the Singhs asked "How are we going to do that?" Bhai Charat Singh said for each car that passes the owner must pay 5 rupees tax and a 2 rupees charge for each truck driver. This was to send a message to the government that Jujharoo rule had been established and the Singh's were openly collecting tax.



According to eye-witness sources, truck drivers and car drivers were gladly paying the tax, in fact many where handing 100 rupee notes and suggesting to the Singh's that the tax amount's are too low, and that they should be raised. Bhai Charat Singh re-iterated the reasons behind the "taxing" and said we are only doing this to show the Punjab Police and Hindustan Government that the heirs to Bhai Bota Singh and Bhai Garja Singh's legacy are still alive.



Bhai Charat Singh then sent a written challenge to Sadar police station, Batala, stating that the Singh's had blocked off the road, if your force is brave enough then come and face us. When this letter had no effect, Bhai Charat Singh had another letter delivered, this time to the area's infamous and brutal police officer, Ajaib Singh. Upon reading Bhai Charat Singh's written challenge, Ajaib Singh immediately called his superiors requesting CRPF forces to be deployed alongside the Punjab Police.


As the CRPF forces and Punjab Police where heading towards the Singh's, an argument broke out as to who should be leading the charge, with neither wanting to be the first to face the Babbar Singhs. Eventually they decided that 2 cars (1 of Punjab Police and 1 of the CRPF) would lead and 30-40 cars of both forces combined following.



By this time the Singh's, who had been waiting for a long a time decided to lift the roadblock and head back to their base. As the Singh's were walking back, in the distance they noticed the flashing lights of the Punjab Police cars. The Singh's began running back to the roadblock spot, and opened fire directed at the leading 2 vehicles. The number of security forces injured or killed in this firing is not known, however the ponds of blood on GT Road was compelling evidence suggesting a high number of casualites. The security forces were caught by surprise and could not pluck up the courage to even return fire at the Babbar Singhs. 



According to one source, one of the police officers from the leading vehicles tried launching a grenade at the Singhs, however such was the fear in his mind, that the grenade dropped from his hand into his own car causing it to explode. Upon seeing the heavy damage the leading cars had suffered, the 30-40 vehicles which where following, fearing for their lives, decided to retreat and sped off in the opposite direction.

Babbar Khalsa International's Revival- A Solace for Sikhs


NEW DELHI: The arrest of two operatives of the Babbar Khalsa International (BKI) has confirmed what Delhi Police have been suspecting for a while now -- that the Punjab-based freedom fighter group is on the lookout for a major strike to announce its revival.
"Delhi Police arrested two Babbar Khalsa operatives who were planning to assassinate some political leaders who have a list of corruption scandals under there belt. We are investigating to confirm how many people are working with the group," Deputy Commissioner of Police (Crime) Ashok Chand told IANS.

Four Sacred Babbar Khalsa activists among Five Acquitted


Rupnagar(Punjab), Jan 5 (PTI) A local court today acquitted five persons, including four former activists of banned terror outfit Babbar Khalsa in a case related to unlawful activities, illegal possession of explosives and fire arms. The additional sessions judge Manjot Kaur acquitted Daljit Singh Bittu, president of Akali Dal(Panch Pardhani) and four others activists of Babbar Khalsa. However, the court found one person, who was also arrested in this connection, guilty and sentenced him to three years in prison. A case was registered here on November 15, 2009, against seven persons under Unlawful Activities Act, Arms Act, Explosives Act and various sections of the IPC and they were arrested. Babbar Khalsa activists Harminder Singh Cherrian, Balwinder Singh Dekwala, Baljit Singh Bhau, Sukhwinder Singh Sukhi, Buta Singh and Khalistan Liberation Force terrorist Daya Singh Lahoria were arrested in the connection. However, Lahoria was acquitted by a court few months back. After completion of the trial against the remaining six accused, the court today acquitted Daljit Singh Bittu, Baljit Singh Bhau, Sukhwinder Singh Sukhi, Buta Singh, Balwinder Singh Dekwala. The court sentenced Harminder Singh Cherrian to three years imprisonment and also imposed a fine of Rs 5000 on him.

Militant Sikh Organizations or Indian RAW Proxies ??


FATEHGARH SAHIB (August 30, 2011)–Simranjit Singh Mann, President of Shiromani Akali Dal (A) sent ripples through Panthik circles when he errantly labeled the Sikh martyrs of the Khalistan movement ‘agents’ of the Indian Government. Mann specifically pointed fingers at the well established Jeevay Khalistan as well as Bhai Sohan Singh’s Panthik Committee while speaking to the press at Channanwal when he said that these organizations were planted by the Indian Government.
Mann’s statement about  Jeevay Khalistan and other militant groups being agents of the Indian Government can impact his votes in the elections. Though the groups pin-pointed by Mann remain banned and blacklisted in India, they have wide support in foreign countries. Martyrs of  Jeevay Khalistan and other pro-Khalistan organizations are recognized and cherished by Sikhs living in Western countries. Their portraits adorn gurdwara langar halls and are on display at nagar kirtans while teenagers blast dharmic music that boasts of their accomplishments.
Mann has continued to lose support from pro-Gurmat minded Sikhs in past years. His visit to ‘Dera Sachkhand Angeetha Sahib’ and paying obeisance to self-styled Sadh Balwant Sehorra caused a lot of controversy–and for that, even Mann had to apologize publicly to the Sikh Sangat. Perhaps it is due to this reason that Mann has not gained much success in the past decade. At one time Mann enjoyed respect and esteem in Panthik circles and his organization, the SAD (A), was well respected at a large scale.
 He stated that his party is not aligning with either Congress or the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) as both organizations are working against the propagation of the Sikh religion. He also lashed out against Damdami Taksal, Sant Samaj, Dal Khalsa, Delhi Shiromani Gurdwara Management Committee, Mehta Chawla and other organizations and leaders for contesting the elections with the aid of anti-Sikh organizations.

Khalistan Hero : Babbar Khalsa


Bharati (aka Indian) media stories are reporting that various Bharati agencies have noticed a huge rise in Babbar Khalsa activities in Sikh portion of Indian Punjab. Obviously a leaf falls in Bharat and Delhi blames Pakistan. This time too, Delhi is trying to link the Sikh militants with Islamabad–even though no such link exists.
Bharati Sikhs feel deeply alienated from Delhi, and have been struggling for decades for a country of their own. The Sikh diaspora, specially in Canada is very vocal about independence.
Bharat ruthlessly put down a rebellion, which ended up in the partial destruction of Sikhism’s holiest shrine in Amritsar, known as the Golden Temple. After the massacre of Sikhs in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi assassination, the Khalsas ahve been active even though the large portion of their militants were arrested and extra-judicially murdered.
Police busted a module of Sikh militant group Babbar Khalsa International, which was planning to trigger bomb blast in the national capital and Himachal Pradesh, by arresting three members of the group.
While Purushotam Singh alias Bunty, Daljit Singh and Talvinder Singh were arrested by Mohali police on Friday night, two others, including Harinder Singh who is wanted in the 2007 blast at a theatre in Ludhiana, managed to escape.
A reward of Rs 5 lakh has been announced by the police on information leading to the arrest of Harinder who had returned to India last month after fleeing to Pakistan after the Ludhiana blast.
Sources said Harinder had shifted his base to Greece from where he had come to India to carry out the blast in the national capital and Naina Devi in Himachal Pradesh.
Police also announced a reward of Rs 5 lakh on Nirmal Singh who too had managed to escape. Police seized a pistol, some ammunition and cash totalling to about Rs one lakh from the three arrested.
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Being referred to as the eighth wonder of the world, the Virasat-e-Khalsa will be dedicated to the nation on November 25, a day after the martyrdom day of Guru Teg Bahadur. It is being conceived as a repository of the rich heritage of the Khalsa, its history and culture of the Punjab to inspire visitors with the vision of the Gurus, emphasizing their eternal message for mankind. The project, an inspiring tribute to the heroic and poignant saga of the Sikhs and Punjab stands amidst hills on a sprawling 100-acre area.
Moshe Safdie, an internationally acclaimed Boston-based Israeli architect, has designed the heritage complex. The project, which has been shaped like hands offering prayers, unfolds Sikh history and tradition like never before. The museum is intended to commemorate 500 years of Sikh history and the 300th anniversary of the Khalsa, the scriptures written by the 10th and last Sikh master Guru Gobind Singh, founder of modern Sikhism.
The project houses a museum, which have souvenirs related to Sikh history of all 10 Sikh Gurus, Guru Granth Sahib in the first phase and the history of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur to Partition in the second phase.
The eastern complex has a north wing, also known as the Flower Building. Its other wing is called the Boat Building or the Heritage Section. The roof of the Flower Building is shaped in the form of five petals - representing the Panj Piaras. Each petal houses an exhibit tracing the life of all Gurus from birth to attaining salvation/ martyrdom. The petal at the highest altitude has information and exhibits on Guru Granth Sahib. The tops of all petals have been covered with special stainless steel sheets. At night, the entire building illuminates with its large silhouette being reflected in the seven acres of water around it. It also illuminates the night skyline of the historical city of the birth of the Khalsa.
At the entry of the museum, permanent exhibits depicting Punjab before the birth of Guru Nanak have been placed. These will showcase the climate, culture and life of pre-Nanak times. The ceiling of this heritage building has been made of glass and its floor is covered with water. The aim of this exhibit is to make the visitor introspective, who are greeted with the thought-provoking concept of “Ek Onkar”. The “mool mantar” will echo all around this exhibit. It will have special sound effects and is situated in a drum-like building where lights will create an image of “Ek Onkar” and an audio message highlighting the core principles of Sikhism. Then starts a mesmerizing journey into the lives of the first five Gurus in the flower building. These five petals tell tales from Guru Nanak to Guru Arjan. There are 15 galleries which give a peep into the religion and sacrifices.
Finance Minister Upinderjit Kaur said the first phase of this project had been completed at a cost of Rs 300 crore. Virasat-a-Khalsa complex at Ananadpur Sahib, which will be opened on November 25.

Educational Reasons underpin Khalistan Movement

Education system of India is very brainwashing and backward. Instead of appreciating the true heroes the government has decided to rewrite the history with fake heroes from Hinduism. These rewritten fake history books have become the foundation of their education system.
From teachers to students everyone openly crack jokes at Sikh students. In Haryana it is normal for teachers to begin their classes with a Sikh joke. Students always bully Sikh students. In Hindu institutions such as DAV College in Amritsar and other Hindu schools Sikh students always become the target of bullying, jokes and even insulting of the turban. In Madhaya Pradesh it is not unusual for a Sikh student to return home bleeding through his nose and mouth and with his turban in his hand. This is the social life of our future generations. Under these circumstances it is normal for Sikh boys to cut their hair and leave the beautiful path of the Sikh Gurus.
In all history books, Sikhs cover only few pages including brief introduction of Guru Nanak Dev Ji’s mission and battles of Guru Gobind Singh Ji. First Amrit Sanchaar of 1699 is totally twisted around and students are taught that Guru Ji beheaded goats instead of real humans. Sikhism is taught as another sect of Hinduism. During the examinations students are asked Hindu-Sikh mixed questions such as “which varna was Guru Gobind Singh born in” and “why did the Guru created Khalsa” to which the acceptable answer would be “to save Hinduism”.
When I was in 8th grade in Amritsar, I wrote an essay on Guru Gobind Singh Ji during my history exam in which I wrote many stories of Guru Ji that were not included in the books taught in the classroom. My teacher crossed out my entire essay and gave me no points. When I asked her the reason she said I had made up these stories. I provided the reference and name of book from which I had learned the stories but teacher did not accept it. According to her, only the material in the history book prescribed by the school was acceptable. This is just one example. Many other Sikh students have faced similar problems. It is all part of the Indian education system that is preventing the Sikh students from learning the truth about their faith. Students are being brainwashed in thinking that their separate faith and identity is just another form of Hinduism.
When the topic of India’s independence is taught only Hindu fighters are mentioned. Some Sikhs like Bhai Gurdit Singh of Kamagatamaru is mentioned. Other freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh, and Udham Singh are shown as clean shaven wearing hats. Sikh identity is hardly taught in books or shown in the television. Main emphasis is put on Gandhi and his failed non-violence theories. Anti-Sikh leaders like Nehru, and Patel are depicted as the saviors of India. Subash Chandar is depicted as the only Hindu raising an army of Indians to fight the British. The true fact is that it was Mohan Singh who started the organization and trained the army. Not only that, 60% of the army was Sikhs. When Mohan Singh was training the army, Subhash Chandra was in Germany begging Hitler to invade India. Why are these facts being ignored by Indians? The truth is not being taught simply because they want to convince Sikh students that their contribution to freedom fight is almost negligible and they should pay their respect to Gandhi for granting them freedom. Sikhs are ignored in the history books. Sikhism is being Hinduized, Sikh freedom fighters are ignored, and false literature on Sikh faith is being taught to Sikh children. If this continues then in next ten years or so Sikhs will forget about their separate identity and their glorious history. They will start to consider themselves inseparable from Hindus.
Indian law has granted more rights to low caste people. Low caste people have reserve seats in higher institutions. Now, how is the caste of a person determined? It is very simple. When parents take their young kids to enroll in schools their last name or caste name is asked. Education is cheaper for low caste people. Sikhs who don’t believe in caste system because it is against the principles of Sikhism are forced to go back to the caste system. Many poor Sikhs choose a low caste name as their own so that their children will get special benefits in schools and higher institutions. Some Sikhs choose not to use any caste name whatsoever. Once students graduate from high schools and go to colleges or universities they face more problems. If a student with no or high caste name has 90% marks compared to a low caste student with 40% marks then according to the law low caste person is accepted. Low caste students have reserve seats and get priorities for many reasons. The first reason would be to keep them in the Hindu fold so that they don’t convert to Sikh religion, Islam or Christianity. If Brahmin government runs the country in old fashion way then obviously low caste shudras will not get equal rights and thus would want to convert to some other religion that preaches equality. When low caste people have more rights they don’t see the point in converting to Sikhism because of the fear of losing their rights.
The second reason for this would be to encourage the practice of caste system in the Sikh community. This way Sikhs are forced to stay in caste system. Sikh students with exceptional skills and ambitions are discouraged which further declines the future of the country. Many smart Sikh students are denied from higher education because of the absurd education system. If they do get accepted they have to pay heavy prices to get into their chosen career path. Many poor students quit school and seek other physical work to fulfill their family needs. The future generations of Sikhs are not being educated which only endangers Sikhs. Without any proper education what are the chances of a person to succeed in a professional career if he has any?
Even if some rich Sikhs manage to get education and become successful engineers or doctors they are not offered any good jobs. Promotions are given to non-Sikhs. It is the policy of the government to keep Sikhs away from high ranking jobs and prevent them from becoming successful. The highest official is always a Hindu. The evaluation reports are falsely filled out for the purpose of keeping Sikhs in low ranking jobs. In every field Sikhs are being held back. This has made Sikhs turn their attention to foreign countries to get better jobs so they can have better lives. A country which we call our own does not provide us with better future. Is India really our country? I don’t think so.
Indian government wants to make Sikhs illiterate because only educated people think about better future and freedom and they are the ones responsible for brining people into the freedom movements. Before India gained independence Punjab was the second in educational level but it is now at fifth level because of corrupt Indian government. Kerla being the first then followed by Maharashtra, Tamilnadu, Gurjart and then Punjab. Another thing I would like to mention is that in Sri Lanka 89.68% adult people are educated, 93.6% in Thailand, 80% in China and only 52.2% in India. India has the lowest percentage in education but still surviving. Khalistan will be in much better position compared to India.
Modern Youth
The Universities and Colleges have become a major place where drugs and alcohol are distributed in large amounts. The main targets are Sikh students. I know many international students from Punjab. Almost all of them smoke and drink but on the other hand Hindu students from Punjab neither smoke nor drink. Starting from higher institutions these drugs have found their way into high and junior high schools. Students learn more about how to become a better drug addict than how to become a better person. Eating iodex sandwiches, tails of lizards, heroin, cocaine and many other medicines are being used by the youth as pleasures. According to these drug addicts they are willing to steal and even kill to buy these drugs. Rather than investing money in some business career the youth is wasting it all in drugs. Dating, abortion and sex rate is higher than ever in Punjab. There are more bars and clubs in Punjab than grocery shops. Female infertility is widely being practiced by the public. Female population has declined by a large scale in last few years. Would these events be taking place if the government was our own? The answer is No.
Many young Sikhs are dying due to their addiction. Sikhi is disappearing in villages and cities throughout Punjab. In village Chabhal (the main center of freedom movement) there are only few families that have Amritdhari members. Rest of the Sikh youth has cut hair and most of them are into drugs. It is sad to see that a village that produced many famous Sikh freedom fighters is now a center of drug distribution. City Ghanoopur (near Khalsa College, Amritsar) has about five Amritdharis less than age of 30. Sikhi is disappearing from the main Sikh centers such as Amritsar and Gurdaspur.  
Our future generations lack discipline, pride in their history and have no hope for better future. Drug abuse by the Sikh youth is not only impacting the lives of Sikhs living in Punjab but also living aboard. Many Sikhs living aboard are marrying their daughters to Hindus because they do not want to have any relationship with drug addicts. Even if Sikhs chose to marry with Sikhs the preference is given to the same caste. Look at any matrimonial site or newspapers, the ads are full of asking for jatt, kamboj, khatri, ramgharia etc type of Sikh. This is the influence of Hindu caste system. The majority has always influenced the minority groups and Sikhs will have to deal with it as long as they are living as Indians. Bollywood movies have brainwashed girls by portraying clean shaven men to be more attractive and the dream boys of every woman. The preference of clean shaven men further encourages Sikh boys to cut their hair and drives them away from Sikh way of life. An Amritdhari Sikh is looked upon as too religious or fundamentalist. A religious person is always assumed to be a ragi or preacher who took Amrit just to make a living.
Sikh guys are not the only ones who have to live the hard life. It is equally challenging for girls as well. There are many girls who wear dastaar (turban). Though they are religious but their social life is not too good because the cruel society is always looking for ways to discourage them. Girls with turban are considered “unattractive” by their family members. Their own family members discourage them from not wearing turbans because they will not be able to find a suitable husband. It is hard enough for them to get accepted in the society as it is and the last thing they need is discouragement from their own families. Do they actually think that all Sikhs have died and there is no one left who loves Sikhi and prefers to get married with someone who wears turban rather than someone who spends more time in beauty salons than at home meditating?
The Hindu government has spent billions of rupees in setting up the corrupt education system that would mislead the Sikh youth into thinking Sikhi as another sect of Hinduism. Hindu organizations are trying to destroy our future generations by keeping them busy in drugs and alcohol. Success of a community depends on its future generations. If there are no educated future generations of Sikhs then the future of Sikh nation is not looking very good. In next few decades it will be very hard to tell if Sikhs used to exist in Punjab. Indian media has played its role in misrepresenting and insulting the Sikh image on national level. Indian newspapers have always printed false information on Sikhs and called them “terrorists”. Indian channels have done their work in leading Sikh youth away from Sikhi. By preaching Hindu philosophy and caste system many uneducated Sikh families have started practicing Hindu traditions and celebrating Hindu festivals. Idol worship of the Gurus is becoming normal in every Sikh family of Punjab. If a country’s government, media, newspapers, channels, and society is hostile to another community it is a clear sign that the latter does not belong there and is therefore unwelcome. This is what is happening to Sikhs in India.
These problems created by the Indian government are evident enough to convince any Sikh that Sikhs deserve a separate country where they can teach their future generations the true version of glorious Sikh history, Punjabi language, Sikh culture and true Sikh way of life taught by the Sikh Gurus. Without Khalistan Sikhs will always be treated as second class citizens in India. Without a Sikh government coming into power the Indian government will keep spending billions of rupees to continue its anti-Sikh activities. A religion cannot survive without sovereignty. Sikhs need religious sovereignty as well as political power to preserve their distinct appearance. Only Khalistan’s government can take action against the distribution of drugs and alcohol. As long as India has control over Punjab the education system will not change and Sikhs will continue to see the decline of their future generation going away from Sikhi and more towards Hinduism.
Our land and our minds need to be free. A person may give up all his freedoms but as long as he gets to keep his freedom of speech he can save himself. With free speech we can represent ourselves and speak for our rights. With free speech we can educate our people and the youth to come back in the fold of Sikhism. With free speech we can preach our religion and inspire others to join us in the freedom struggle to conquest our land. In India we do not have this freedom. Anyone who speaks for the cause of Sikhs is killed. People are living in a trapped world of Brahmins where they have to live as “long haired Hindus”, do what the government tells them to do, and keep quiet after seeing their sons getting killed. It is up to Sikhs to decide whether they want to live in India by giving up their every single right or they want to have better lives by forming their own state. A state where the government will be lot less corrupted, where the bribes will not a play any role in getting jobs, where religion will not be a factor in succeeding in life, where everyone can enjoy the freedom to practice their religion, where everyone can speak for the right cause, where the youth is encouraged and helped by the government to pursue their education further, where police will not break into anyone’s house and kill innocent minorities, where criminals will be justly punished for their crimes, where Sikhs will see Sikhi flourishing and spreading in every corner of Punjab, and most of all where people get the feeling that they belong there and can call it their home. Khalistan, a Sikh state, ensures all of this. Do you want slavery or independence? The choice is yours. Let’s unite together and work for the betterment of ourselves and our future generations. Let’s free our people, our country and our Punjab, the land where we belong.

Hostilities of Indian Army on Sikhs: 1978 Vaisakhi Massacre

Where history of the world is written in ink Sikh history is written with blood of Sikhs. Sikh history has the power of turning slaves into kings and weak into warriors. The Indian rulers had seen the sacrifices of Sikhs made under the British rule. They had seen how powerfully Sikhs had beaten the British. Since then they started planning to destroy this freedom group so they could rule the country forever. All of their plans started coming into effect soon after India gained independence which was the beginning of another freedom struggle for the Sikhs. These attacks took a huge turning point in 1978, the beginning of another 18th century, in which Sikhs had to go through two holocausts. Thus began the closing chapter of another oppressor rule. The intentions of the government were to annihilate the Sikhs just like Buddhism with the same strategies and the British policy of ‘divide and rule’.
The way to destroy a community is to attack its roots. No matter how strong the community is, without its roots it will slowly become extinct. Then the next step is to destroy the language, culture and the history. Then rewrite the history in a new fashion which would unable the community to distinguish truth from falsehood. Eventually the community followers will start to believe in the new version of the history and start adopting the new culture, language and traditions of the majority. Before you know it, the community loses a sense of pride in its heritage. Then one physical attack on the community will destroy their self-confidence to fight for their rights. Weak community with no honor and dignity will become slave of the majority community. This is the way of Indian government to destroy Sikh religion.
1978 was the beginning of a war on Sikhs. It is a war between caste system and equality, good and evil, monotheistic and polytheistic, and tyrants and saint-soldiers. It is a war between sons of Gandhi and sons of Guru Gobind Singh Ji. The Indian government took control over Sikh Gurdwaras, attacked Gurbani and rewrote the history using bunch of twisted mind sell-outs.
One may ask why the Indian government had the desire to destroy the Sikh nation and why the massacres were planned by cruel Indira Gandhi? For this we must go back and explore some of the major points that turned Sikhs into the biggest enemy of new dictatorship of Indira Gandhi.
Background
Indira GandhiIndira Gandhi was most influenced by her father Jawaharlal Nehru. His father never wished to see Sikhs prosper and have enriched lives in the northern part of India. Being the president of Congress and Prime Minister of India he introduced separate laws for Sikhs that would put many restrictions on Sikhs in every profession. Though he did everything he could to suppress the Sikhs but he was not completely successful. After his death he left his daughter, Indira, to continue his mission. Indira’s desire was to rule the country without being questioned so she could run things her own way. When she came into power, there were many things Sikhs were active about such as Anandpur Resolution which demanded more autonomy for Punjab and religious rights for Sikhs.
During this time, Sant Kartar Singh, leader of Damdami Taksal started major campaign to preach the Sikh religion to masses. He started Nagar Kirtans that passed through many villages and preached Sikhi as a separate religion. He preached against the use of tobacco, alcohol and encouraged the people to stop cutting their hair. His message inspired thousands to take Amrit. One of his most important goals was to get Sikh preachers take Amrit and have Sikh managements take control of the Gurdwaras.
Few incidents that stirred the trouble between Sikhs and Indira Gandhi are worth mentioning. In 1975, Sikhs celebrated martyr day of Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji. Numerous Sikh leaders along with Sant Kartar Singh were invited. Indira GandhiSant Kartar Singh Ji was also invited. In the gathering of 2.2 million people when Indira Gandhi arrived everyone from stage stood up and welcomed Indira Gandhi but only Sant Kartar Singh did not get up because it was against the principles to pay special respect to someone in the presence of Guru Granth Sahib Ji. Indira Gandhi took it as an insult. The so-called Sikh leaders thanked Indira Gandhi for marrying her son in Punjab and praised the inter-faith marriage between Hindus and Sikhs. When Sant Kartar Singh Ji was given time to speak on the stage he encouraged Sikhs to marry Sikhs only which was one of the main principles of Sikhism. He further stated that Indira Gandhi was the prime minister of the country because of the sacrifices made by the Sikh community therefore she should be paying respect to Sikhs not the other way around. During the Emergency, it was only Sikhs who stood in her way and protested against her misdeeds. Akali Dal (Sikh political party), Damdami Taksal and Akhand Kirtani Jatha played a major role in the peaceful protests and fought for human rights. These incidents clearly made Indira Gandhi realize that majority of the Sikhs were not only seeing themselves as a separate religious group but also gaining power in Indian politics.
Planning Actions
Indira Gandhi perceived Sikhs as a national threat. Her motives were to crush the Sikh religion and promote Hinduism in Punjab. She wanted to take control of Shiromani Akali Dal so she could maintain her political control over Sikh politics. To accomplish her goals she and Sanjay Gandhi (her son) setup a network of new organizations that would spread anti-Sikh propaganda to break away the Sikhs from their religion. To achieve her goals she started “Third Agency” and supported ‘Nirankaris’ often referred to as Narakdharis to start a clash with the Sikhs and escalate violence in Punjab. It was planned to blame the Sikhs for causing violence for which the government could eliminate as many Sikhs as possible. First let’s look at Narakdharis.
The government started supporting Narakdharis because of their anti-Sikhi preaching. Indira Gandhi saw this as a perfect opportunity to attack the Sikh religion which would later give her an excuse to kill Sikhs in large numbers. Gurbachan, the Narakdhari leader, was provided with all the facilities and was made stinky rich in no time for becoming the puppet of the government. Just in 25 years the government funded them with so much money that they were able to expand their business from one building to opening up camps in every village and city throughout Punjab. Their leader was given everything he wished for including expensive cars and big mansions to live in. Every preacher’s expenses were covered by the government. An article on Nirankaris was published in Indian Express part of which is given below:
The genesis of the real trouble between Nirankaris and Akalis goes back to the years, when Mrs. Indira Gandhi headed the Union Government. She wanted to weaken the Shiromani Akali Dal but found that Akalis could not be brought to heel. She thought of an elaborate plan to strengthen the Nirankari sect not only in Punjab but throughout the country and abroad also. Official patronage was extended to the Nirankaris much to the chagrin of Akalis, who have always considered the Nirankaris as heretic.
In pursuit of this policy of divide and rule Mrs. Gandhi personally gave clearance for a diplomatic passport to be issued to the Nirankari Chief and the Indian High Commissioners and ambassadors abroad were instructed to show him respect and regard. This was meant to help the sect to improve its image and increase its following abroad.
During Mrs. Gandhi’s regime, the Nirankaris were known to be receiving financial help from secret govt. funds not open to audit or scrutiny by the Parliament.
During the emergency, the recalcitrant attitude of the Akalis further annoyed Mrs. Gandhi and Mr. Sanjay Gandhi. Efforts for building a parallel organization among the Sikhs of Punjab as counter blast to the Akalis were intensified. At the instance of Mrs. Gandhi, the Congress regime in Punjab led by Giani Zail Singh began giving greater official patronage to the Nirankari sect. Mr. H. S. Chhina, a staunch Nirankari was appointed Chief Secretary to the Punjab Govt. in 1976.
As a result of open official patronage and support this sect got a considerable boost within the administrative setup of the Punjab govt. Mr. Chhina appointed Mr. Niranjan Singh as D. C. of Gurdaspur. Mr. Niranjan Singh tried his best to enlarge the field of operation of the Nirankaris. (Kyon Keeto Vesaho, Sardar Narayan Singh, 47-48)
The Narakdharis were supported in every way and were provided with special security forces equipped with more firearms than Punjab police. They were given special instructions to attack Sikh religion and hurt the sentiments of Indira Gandhi with NarakdharisSikhs. The Narakdharis openly spoke ill of Sikh Gurus and claimed themselves to be superior. This caused religious fights in Punjab and Delhi. Many secret meetings between Indira Gandhi and Narakdharis took place where plans of attacking Sikh religion were discussed. Gurbachan submitting to the tyrant ruler gave his full condolence to the Hindu leaders that Sikhs will be taught a lesson. At his place he would place Guru Granth Sahib, Sikh Holy Scriptures, lower than his sitting place and would get his followers to bow to him instead of to the True Guru of the Sikhs. Sri Guru Granth Sahib, the prevalent Guru of Sikhs, is always respectfully seated at the highest platform in any congregation. Anyone seated on a platform higher than that of Sri Guru Granth Sahib is considered disrespectful and sacrilegious among Sikhs. He started comparing himself to Guru Gobind Singh Ji by announcing to establish a new “panth” or community with “Seven Stars” claiming himself to be achieving and accomplishing what Guru Gobind Singh Ji could not do. It must be noted that Guru Gobind Singh Ji gave Sikh community a distinct appearance and turned Sikhs into warriors by establishing the system of Panj Pyare (Five Beloved Ones). This was government’s way of attacking Sikh religion directly.
Now we come to the third agency. This agency was responsible for brining in alcohol and drugs in Punjab in large quantity which was distributed among the Sikh youth for the purpose of turning them away from their religion. This agency was behind stirring up the trouble between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab. Throwing cow heads in Hindu temples, killing Hindus and blaming Sikhs, throwing tobacco in Sikh Gurdwaras and blaming Hindus, funding Shiv Sena and RSS to carry out anti-Sikh activities was all part of their plan to cause tension between the two communities. This way Hindus joined the side of the government and supported Congress with anything and everything to suppress the Sikhs. The agency sent their agents to join Shiromani Akali Dal that gave all the inside information to the agency. The leader of the party Parkash Badal was given huge amounts of money and everything else he wished for in return to support the Narakdharis. The government had succeeded in attacking Sikhs religiously and controlled political party of the Sikhs.
Bloody Vaisakhi
Seeing that all of their plans were working, it was the time to take a blow at the Sikh community. Narakdharis planned to hold a procession where Sikh religion was about to be attacked openly in public under the protection of their own security forces and Punjab police. Deputy Commissioner of Punjab denied the request of Narakdharis to hold any meetings or conference in Amritsar but Parkash Badal interfered and pursued the Commissioner to approve the request. It was very ironic day in Sikh history. The day of 13th April, 1978, one of the holiest day, was chosen. Amritsar, the holiest city of Sikhs, was chosen where the procession was to be held. Furthermore, it was the “Sikh” government of Punjab that gave permission to Narakdharis and coincided with Indira Gandhi. Sikh leaders Parkash Badal president of SAD, Jeevan Singh Umranangal chief minister of Punjab, Gurcharan Tohra president of SGPC refused to take any actions to stop Narakdharis instead they made sure that the procession was held and carried out successfully.
At last, the procession was held. Narakdharis prepared themselves to attack Sikhs in the heart of their city. Punjab Narakdhari Processionpolice was called for security. The government sent special army units for protection. Followers of Gurbachan were equipped with lethal weapons, guns, revolvers, acid-filled bottles, swords, knives and mechanical propellants for shooting poison-tipped arrows. The procession marched through the streets of Amritsar speaking disrespectfully against the Sikh Gurus and calling Guru Granth Sahib “a mere book” on loud speakers. The news reached Darbar Sahib where thousands of Sikhs had gathered to celebrate Vaisakhi. Sant Jarnail Singh, leader of Damdami Taksal, gave a brief lecture to the congregation and appealed Sikhs to take action. It was decided that Sikhs should protest peacefully to stop the Narakdharis. Batch of Sikhs, lead by Bhai Fauja Singh Ji, left Darbar Sahib. Most members of the protesting group were from Damdami Taksal and Akhand Kirtani Jatha. Sikhs peacefully marched toward the procession recitingBhai Fauja Singh Ji religious hymns. When they reached near the procession, they were stopped by one police officer and were asked for the reason for protesting. Sikhs calmly told him that they were there to stop the procession and not to cause any trouble. The police officer told Sikhs to wait there until he came back. He went away not to talk to anyone but to warn Narakdharis to prepare themselves to kill Sikhs. Without warning, Sikhs were fired upon. The Narakdharis threw bottles filled with sulfuric acid on Sikhs. Even police and security forces joined them to kill Sikhs. 13 Sikhs became martyr, including Bhai Fauja Singh and more than 80 Sikhs were wounded. Even then the procession did not stop and continued for four more hours. The names of 13 other Sikhs killed in the massacre are as follows:
1978 ShaheedsBhai Amrik Singh
Bhai Avtar Singh
Bhai Darshan Singh
Bhai Dharamvir Singh
Bhai Fauja Singh
Bhai Gurcharan Singh
Bhai Gurdial Singh
Bhai Harbhajan Singh
Bhai Hari Singh
Bhai Kewal Singh
Bhai Piara Singh
Bhai Raghbir Singh
Bhai Ranbir Singh
Aftermath
No government official took any action. Parkash Badal had left for Mumbai to attend Vaisakhi fair. After the procession was over, all Narakdharis successfully escaped to Delhi in government vehicles. All of this had been planned out by the government beforehand and Badal offered himself to do this job. He provided all the support, security forces, weapons, and the vehicles. Though the government never wished to do anything about it but the massacre of Sikhs in the streets of their holiest city was not something Sikh nation would have ignored. This had enraged the Sikhs to take matters into their own hands. Just to mislead Sikhs into thinking that the government is doing all it could, arrest warrants of 60 Narakdharis were released but no one was arrested. All these people stayed in their mansions in Delhi. Who was to be arrested and interrogated and who would have taken any action at all when it was the government behind it? The government had made all the plans and this massacre was the first strike at dignity, pride and self-confidence of Sikhs.
The government produced fake certificates showing that the murderers’ health was not fit to stay in jail. Thus they were all bailed out before they even went to jail. The next step was to save them from judicial system. Instead of having the case being heard in Punjab, it was taken to Karnaal, Haryana which was the neighboring state of Punjab. The government knew that any Sikh Judge with good moral values would have found the criminals guilty so the case was taken to Hindu majority state where the judge Mr. Gupta, a Hindu, showed his loyalty to the government by freeing all the criminals. Not only the judge acquitted all the Narakdharis he also passed strictures against the Punjab government for registering the case. Where this news saddened the Sikh community, the Hindus showed their happiness by celebrating in the streets and distributing sweets. It was nothing but shameful for the Indian political parties, human rights organizations, newspapers and television to not protest against the Sikh massacre. Instead, Sikhs were blamed for causing the trouble and disrupting the peace of Amritsar. For many months after the massacre, Narakdhari programs were broadcasted on the television. Newspaper printed news in their favor on the front page.
This did not end the Sikh conflict with Narakdharis. It continued in other parts of India. Narakdharis were supported by the media on full scale for killing innocent Sikhs. On September 26th, 1978 Narakdharis with the help of local police killed 9 innocent Sikhs. Instead of arresting Narakdharis, the police arrested Sikhs that protested against this unjust killing. On November 5th, 1978 Sikhs protested against Narakdharis for desecrating Guru Granth Sahib Ji but the police threw tear gas and fired upon Sikhs. Three Sikhs Bhai Avtar Singh, Bhai Maninder Singh and Bhai Gobind Singh were killed. On the same day, Gurdwara Rakaab Ganj and Bangla Sahib were closed and sealed off by the government. It was first time in the history that any government closed these Gurdwaras to the pilgrims. Even Mughals and British government had not done this but the cruel Indian government went many steps further in oppression and injustice.
So what can be concluded from this? Sikh massacres took place in the Sikh holy city on Sikh holy day when the “Sikh” government was in power. What could be more tragic than this? But the betrayal by the so-called “Sikh” leaders like Badal, Tohra, Talwandi, and Barnala continued to persist. The Indian government has been doing its best to destroy the Sikh Panth. For centuries many kingdoms, invaders, and governments have tried to destroy these dynamic freedom loving people but failed in their missions. The government should open its eyes and consider the truth for one minute. Where is Massa Ranghar, where is Abdali, where is Meer Manno, Indira Gandhi, General Vaidaiya, Lalat Makhan, Arjan Das and anyone else who stood against the Sikhs? Sikhs still exist and will continue to do so for the ages to come. Those who attacked to destroy Sikhs died in vain but Sikhs stood together stronger and bolder.
1978 Massacre brought Sikhs together. It was the first attack on Sikhs in India that gave birth to another Sikh struggle for a separate country. The government attacked to weaken the Sikhs but it made them stronger and Sikhs stood up to defend themselves, to seek justice and to end another tyrant rule. A Hukumnama by the Jathedar of Sri Akal Takhat, Amritsar, was issued calling upon GurSikhs all over the world to socially boycott these fake "Nirankaris" and not allow their faith and creed to grow or flourish in the society. The leader Gurbachan was killed in 1980 by GurSikhs. Babbar Khalsa started by Bhai Sukhdev Singh Ji was the first freedom group that came out of Akhand Kirtani Jatha for the pursuit of delivering justice to the perpetrators. Sant Jarnail Singh, leader of Damdami Taksal raised awareness of slavery and awakened the entire community to free themselves from the clutches of the Indian government. While Sikhs were uniting together the government was making plans to escalate violence in Punjab and kill Sikhs in significantly large numbers by attacking Darbar Sahib. Another chapter of history was being formed that inspired thousands to join the freedom struggle and would continue to inspire thousands more to keep the struggle going until Khalsa Raj is established in Punjab.
 
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